This week, Gordon Brown and David Cameron will welcome the leader of one of the world’s most vicious dictatorships to Britain. Both men will embrace Abdullah al-Saud, who heads a regime in which, according to Amnesty International, “Fear and secrecy permeate every aspect of life. Every day the most fundamental human rights of people in Saudi Arabia are being violated.”
In his Labour Party conference speech last month, the Prime Minister declared that he would oppose dictatorship everywhere: “The message should go out to anyone facing persecution from Burma to Zimbabwe … human rights are universal.” He has refused to even attend the same summit as the Zimbabwean dictator, Robert Mugabe, on the grounds that “there is no freedom in Zimbabwe, and there is widespread torture and mass intimidation of the political opposition.” David Cameron has also just promised to put “human rights” at the heart of his “foreign policy vision”.
Yet both political leaders refuse to make a commitment to even mention human rights to the dictator. Instead, he will ride in a golden carriage with the Queen, and be guest of honour at a Buckingham Palace banquet. It is the start of a three-day state visit, funded by the British taxpayer. The decision to lavish large sums and the rare prestige of a state visit on Abdullah has attracted severe criticism in Westminster. The Liberal Democrats’ acting leader, Vincent Cable, has refused to attend the banquet. The Labour MP John McDonnell said: “We are feting this man because Saudi Arabia controls 25 per cent of the world’s oil, and because we sell him billions of pounds’ worth of weapons. It is an insult to everything Britain stands for to put these geopolitical concerns ahead of the rights of women, trade unionists and all Saudi people.”
While Abdullah is cheered by our political leaders, many of his victims will be protesting outside. Sandy Mitchell, 52, went to Saudi Arabia to work as an anaesthetic technician at a hospital in Riyadh more than a decade ago – and got a rare outsider’s glimpse into how the tyrant maintains his power. He explains: “One day in 2000 I was getting out of my car at the hospital when I was pounced on. I was battered to the ground, a hood was put over my head, and they manacled my hands and feet. I thought – I’m being kidnapped.”
He woke up in the Madhethe interrogation centre, where the Saudi police demanded he confess to being a British spy ordered to plant bombs in the country. He told then the bombs were obviously the work of Saudi Islamists – a view now accepted to be true – so they hung him upside down and began to beat his feet and buttocks with an axe handle for eight days. All the while, he could hear his friend Bill Sampson being gang-raped in the next room.
Mr Mitchell was eventually released after 32 months, when he was swapped for several Saudi citizens being held in Guantanamo Bay. But he warns: “The torture chambers in Saudi weren’t created for me. These rooms were like a human abattoir. There was years’ worth of blood on the floor that nobody bothered to clean. It was all over the walls. We were lucky we survived, but there are countless Saudi people who we never hear about who don’t survive those chambers.”
One man who narrowly escaped these chambers is Yahya al-Faifi, a 47 year old Saudi trade unionist, now hiding from the Saudi secret police in Britain. He worked for BAE Systems in Al Khobar evaluating the flying skills of pilots until 2001, when it was unilaterally announced that the company’s Saudi workers would be receiving a 40 percent pay cut. Al-Faifi decided to organise a trade union to protest. In Saudi Arabia, this is a capital crime. He was immediately fired and placed under constant secret police surveillance. He explains, “I passed information to Human Rights Watch, and this was the last straw. I was told I should ‘take care of my children’, and they would be in danger if I stayed.” He will be risking the further rage of the Saudi police against his family by joining the protests on Wednesday because “I cannot stand by while these crimes happen.”
But life in Saudi Arabia is worst of all for women. While Abdullah offers praise for Britain’s female head of state, in his country all women are kept in effect under house arrest. They are banned from driving, from leaving the house without a male guardian, even in a medical emergency, or from holding a passport. Whenever women try to struggle free from these rules, the “Commission for the Promotion of Virtue and Prevention of Vice” – a posse of uniformed thugs who stalk the streets – beat them with batons.
There was a rare glimpse into how this system of gender apartheid works last year when a female Saudi writer called Badria al-Bisher authored a plea for change. She wrote: “Imagine being a woman, and being subject to harassment, beating, or murder, then when your picture is published in local newspapers, along with the criminals’ in all their murderousness, there will still be those who ask if you, the victim, were veiled … Imagine being a woman whose nose, arms, and legs are now broken by your husband, and when you submit a complaint to a judge saying: He beats me! He’d casually reply by saying: Yes? What else? ... Imagine being a woman, and this “guardian” of yours is your 15-year-old son.”
The website on which this appeal appeared has since been shut down. The House of Saud’s dysfunctions are not contained within the Arabian peninsula; they are burning their way out across the world – and backfiring on Britain.
In order to appease their own internal Wahabbi-Islamist extremists, the Saudi dictatorship is handing them tens of billions of oil-dollars to promote their vision across the globe. As the dissident ex-CIA agent Robert Baer says: “Never forget that it is the al-Saud who sign the cheques for these extreme mosque schools all over the world. It’s hush money to divert Muslims’ attention from the [activities of] the al-Saud [royal family].” The Saudi dictatorship is slowly poisoning global Islam, ensuring the most austere and fanatical desert vision liquidates the softer, more mystical strands – and we are already seeing this backfire on to the streets of London and New York.
Privately, government ministers claim Abdullah is slowly reforming the kingdom. They contrast him to the Interior Minister, Naif al-Saud, who blames the September 11 attacks on the Israeli security services and is even more hard line. But Human Rights Watch says that under Abdullah, “reform has been more cosmetic than real”. For example, two of the country’s leading liberal reformists, Abdullah and Isa al-Hamid, are currently awaiting trial. Their “crime” was to support a totally peaceful protest organised by mothers of men who have been seized without explanation by the Saudi state and held for years, without contact, lawyers or trial. Their names will not be uttered by Brown or Cameron this week.
The truth is that the British Government – and all Western societies – are so addicted to Saudi Arabia’s oil that they feel they can’t speak back. They are terrified of seeing the petrol that lubricates our economy (or the arms deals that butter it) being turned off, as it was in 1973 oil crisis. It is only by making a rapid transition away from our dependence on fossil fuels that this depraved relationship with a tyranny can be unpicked – but the Government shows no sign of doing this, preferring to stick to the old exchange of sycophancy, arms deals and crude oil.
As The New York Times columnist Thomas Friedman puts it: “Addicts don’t tell the truth to their dealers.” That’s why this week the torturer will be inside Buckingham Palace, and his victims left outside, alone.
This week, Gordon Brown and David Cameron will welcome the leader of one of the world’s most vicious dictatorships to Britain. Both men will embrace Abdullah al-Saud, who heads a regime in which, according to Amnesty International, “Fear and secrecy permeate every aspect of life. Every day the most fundamental human rights of people in Saudi Arabia are being violated.”
In his Labour Party conference speech last month, the Prime Minister declared that he would oppose dictatorship everywhere: “The message should go out to anyone facing persecution from Burma to Zimbabwe … human rights are universal.” He has refused to even attend the same summit as the Zimbabwean dictator, Robert Mugabe, on the grounds that “there is no freedom in Zimbabwe, and there is widespread torture and mass intimidation of the political opposition.” David Cameron has also just promised to put “human rights” at the heart of his “foreign policy vision”.
Yet both political leaders refuse to make a commitment to even mention human rights to the dictator. Instead, he will ride in a golden carriage with the Queen, and be guest of honour at a Buckingham Palace banquet. It is the start of a three-day state visit, funded by the British taxpayer. The decision to lavish large sums and the rare prestige of a state visit on Abdullah has attracted severe criticism in Westminster. The Liberal Democrats’ acting leader, Vincent Cable, has refused to attend the banquet. The Labour MP John McDonnell said: “We are feting this man because Saudi Arabia controls 25 per cent of the world’s oil, and because we sell him billions of pounds’ worth of weapons. It is an insult to everything Britain stands for to put these geopolitical concerns ahead of the rights of women, trade unionists and all Saudi people.”
While Abdullah is cheered by our political leaders, many of his victims will be protesting outside. Sandy Mitchell, 52, went to Saudi Arabia to work as an anaesthetic technician at a hospital in Riyadh more than a decade ago – and got a rare outsider’s glimpse into how the tyrant maintains his power. He explains: “One day in 2000 I was getting out of my car at the hospital when I was pounced on. I was battered to the ground, a hood was put over my head, and they manacled my hands and feet. I thought – I’m being kidnapped.”
He woke up in the Madhethe interrogation centre, where the Saudi police demanded he confess to being a British spy ordered to plant bombs in the country. He told then the bombs were obviously the work of Saudi Islamists – a view now accepted to be true – so they hung him upside down and began to beat his feet and buttocks with an axe handle for eight days. All the while, he could hear his friend Bill Sampson being gang-raped in the next room.
Mr Mitchell was eventually released after 32 months, when he was swapped for several Saudi citizens being held in Guantanamo Bay. But he warns: “The torture chambers in Saudi weren’t created for me. These rooms were like a human abattoir. There was years’ worth of blood on the floor that nobody bothered to clean. It was all over the walls. We were lucky we survived, but there are countless Saudi people who we never hear about who don’t survive those chambers.”
One man who narrowly escaped these chambers is Yahya al-Faifi, a 47 year old Saudi trade unionist, now hiding from the Saudi secret police in Britain. He worked for BAE Systems in Al Khobar evaluating the flying skills of pilots until 2001, when it was unilaterally announced that the company’s Saudi workers would be receiving a 40 percent pay cut. Al-Faifi decided to organise a trade union to protest. In Saudi Arabia, this is a capital crime. He was immediately fired and placed under constant secret police surveillance. He explains, “I passed information to Human Rights Watch, and this was the last straw. I was told I should ‘take care of my children’, and they would be in danger if I stayed.” He will be risking the further rage of the Saudi police against his family by joining the protests on Wednesday because “I cannot stand by while these crimes happen.”
But life in Saudi Arabia is worst of all for women. While Abdullah offers praise for Britain’s female head of state, in his country all women are kept in effect under house arrest. They are banned from driving, from leaving the house without a male guardian, even in a medical emergency, or from holding a passport. Whenever women try to struggle free from these rules, the “Commission for the Promotion of Virtue and Prevention of Vice” – a posse of uniformed thugs who stalk the streets – beat them with batons.
There was a rare glimpse into how this system of gender apartheid works last year when a female Saudi writer called Badria al-Bisher authored a plea for change. She wrote: “Imagine being a woman, and being subject to harassment, beating, or murder, then when your picture is published in local newspapers, along with the criminals’ in all their murderousness, there will still be those who ask if you, the victim, were veiled … Imagine being a woman whose nose, arms, and legs are now broken by your husband, and when you submit a complaint to a judge saying: He beats me! He’d casually reply by saying: Yes? What else? ... Imagine being a woman, and this “guardian” of yours is your 15-year-old son.”
The website on which this appeal appeared has since been shut down. The House of Saud’s dysfunctions are not contained within the Arabian peninsula; they are burning their way out across the world – and backfiring on Britain.
In order to appease their own internal Wahabbi-Islamist extremists, the Saudi dictatorship is handing them tens of billions of oil-dollars to promote their vision across the globe. As the dissident ex-CIA agent Robert Baer says: “Never forget that it is the al-Saud who sign the cheques for these extreme mosque schools all over the world. It’s hush money to divert Muslims’ attention from the [activities of] the al-Saud [royal family].” The Saudi dictatorship is slowly poisoning global Islam, ensuring the most austere and fanatical desert vision liquidates the softer, more mystical strands – and we are already seeing this backfire on to the streets of London and New York.
Privately, government ministers claim Abdullah is slowly reforming the kingdom. They contrast him to the Interior Minister, Naif al-Saud, who blames the September 11 attacks on the Israeli security services and is even more hard line. But Human Rights Watch says that under Abdullah, “reform has been more cosmetic than real”. For example, two of the country’s leading liberal reformists, Abdullah and Isa al-Hamid, are currently awaiting trial. Their “crime” was to support a totally peaceful protest organised by mothers of men who have been seized without explanation by the Saudi state and held for years, without contact, lawyers or trial. Their names will not be uttered by Brown or Cameron this week.
The truth is that the British Government – and all Western societies – are so addicted to Saudi Arabia’s oil that they feel they can’t speak back. They are terrified of seeing the petrol that lubricates our economy (or the arms deals that butter it) being turned off, as it was in 1973 oil crisis. It is only by making a rapid transition away from our dependence on fossil fuels that this depraved relationship with a tyranny can be unpicked – but the Government shows no sign of doing this, preferring to stick to the old exchange of sycophancy, arms deals and crude oil.
As The New York Times columnist Thomas Friedman puts it: “Addicts don’t tell the truth to their dealers.” That’s why this week the torturer will be inside Buckingham Palace, and his victims left outside, alone.