The Consolidated EU and National Arms Export Licensing Criteria, which the Labour government adopted in October 2000, say that the impact on human rights, armed conflict or tensions and the preservation of regional peace, stability and security will be considered before an export licence is issued. Israel’s occupation of the West Bank and Gaza (the Palestinian Territories) has been in place since 1967, and has been deemed illegal under international law. Israel continues to flout UN resolutions, and has perpetrated well-documented human rights violations against Palestinian civilians. Any serious attempt to implement the EU criteria would preclude arms sales to Israel. Unfortunately this hasn’t been the case.

UK arms sales to Israel

In 2003 alone, the UK government issued licences for sales of military goods to Israel worth in excess of £11.5 million, in addition to open licences whose value is not available. Since the Oslo Accords in 1993, the UK has consistently sold military equipment to Israel including components for tanks, combat aircraft, mines, bombs, rockets, torpedos and machine guns. Indeed, there was an increase in sales associated with the repression that accompanied the second Palestinian intifada (uprising) in 2001.

In July 2002, the government approved the export of components for F-16 fighters being made by the US company Lockheed Martin and sold to Israel. Since the Israeli Army has used F-16s against Palestinian civilians, there was an outcry. Foreign Secretary Jack Straw, however, justified the sales in a briefing to Labour MPs, saying: “The Government has judged that the UK’s security and defence relationship with the US is fundamental to the UK’s national security … Defence collaboration with the US is also key to maintaining a strong defence industrial capacity.” He went on “Any interruption to the supply of these components would have serious implications for the UK’s defence relations with the United States.” In other words, the commercial relationship between BAE Systems and US companies such as Lockheed Martin was judged more important than the lives of Palestinians.

Israel’s own arms industry

Israel’s military sector is made up of over 200 public and private companies, dominated by three state-owned ones: Israel Aircraft Industries (Israel’s biggest employer outside government), Israel Military Industries and Rafael. Private company Elbit Systems is also significant.

Israel is notorious for selling arms to some of the world’s most abhorrent regimes when other countries will not. It was the main arms supplier to apartheid South Africa, and supplied many Guatemala between 1977 and 1981 when tens of thousands were ‘disappeared’. More recently it has supplied the military junta in Burma.

Israel’s military budget is usually around 9% of its GDP, three times higher than that of the US. This, together with the continuing conflict, means that there is plenty of opportunity to test new equipment ‘in the field’. The UK’s Ministry of Defence has trialled Rafael’s Gill/Spike anti-tank missile despite its use by the Israeli Army against civilians in south Lebanon and the occupied territories.

Stop Arms Sales to and from Israel

Because Israel is now such a major exporter as well as importer of arms, CAAT is calling for an embargo on the sale of all UK equipment to and purchases from Israel as well as the breaking off of all military contacts. This would send a strong message to the Israeli government that its actions are totally unacceptable.

Construction company Caterpillar sells its D9 military bulldozer to Israel, which then uses it for Palestinian house demolition, and infrastructure and olive grove destruction. Palestinians are often killed in these operations. CAAT therefore also supports the consumer boycott of Caterpillar until it stops selling bulldozers to Israel.

Further Reading

Arming the Occupation CAAT Report, October 2002
2005 Update: Arms Exports and Collaborations: the UK and Israel (pdf)

Israel’s Weapons of Mass Destruction, CND/PSC briefing, 2005. See CND website

Caterpillar: the Alternative Report, 2005. See the War on Want website